In recent appearances and speeches, Mr Rafsanjani has revealed, thought without emphasising,  that the very concept of Velayat e Faqih, or the absolute rule of the Tutor, has been "re-interpreted" several times since it was first defined by the ayatollah Khomeiny. 
 Mr Tabarzadi also accused the former president of having created a "government above the legal one" and by doing so, adding to the confusion. "There is a conflict of powers and a war of governments, between the legal one, that of the Council of discernment and that of the Vali, of which one always hear new interpretations", he told the BBC 
 Weeks before the end of his presidential mandate, Mr Rafsanjani was appointed by Mr Khameneh'i  as Head of a 35-40 members Council for the discernment of the State's Interests (CDSI), an institution to serve the Leader as a consultative and advisory body. 
 But quickly, Mr Rafsanjani transformed the CDSI into a powerful organisation, placing it above the government of Mr Khatami. At the same time, he trimmed the power of the leader. "Until now, the leader would decide alone and some times in consultion with his own advisers. As from now, he will decide upon consultation with  the CDSI. The difference is ruling with or without consultation", he told recently Japan's Mainichi newspaper. 
"What Rafsanjani is up to is to pit the Leader against the President until both of them are exhausted. Khatami remains much a prisoner in the hands of Rafsanjani who, at the same time, imposes his will upon the leader via the Council of discernment" explained a leading Iranian analyst known under the pen name of Hakim Haq Nazar. 
Mr Khatami routinely  insists on the respect of the law by all, "including the government", on creating a state of law, on enforcing the law. In a recent statement at the Islamic Guidance Ministry, he said that Islam owes much to the Persian civilisation. He also defended the right of the intellectuals and artists to freedom. 
Barely 24 hours latter, the ayatollah Ali Khameneh'i was to counter him on calling for an all out islamisation of the society, particularly the cultural and artistic lives "Those who talk about cultural and artistic freedom do not know what they are talking about", he said, adding that the nation must remain "ready to fight against Western cultural assault". 
The very same day, Law Enforcement Forces (LEF) which obey the Leader's orders started a street to street and house by house operation to confiscate illegal but flourishing TV satellite antennas. 
"Culture and economy are the real battle grounds between the orthodox clerics led by Khameneh'i  and the reformists gathered around Khatami. The loosing clan does whatever it can to create obstacle for the new president. But what stops them is the fact that Mr Khatami has 20 million Iranians behind himself. There is a real risk of explosion if they make life very difficult for him", noted Mr Mas'ud Behnud, a senior journalist and commentator in Tehran. 

For the time being, Mr Khameneh'i continue to concentrate into his hands the all the powers, controlling the Armed Forces, the key ministers such as the notorious Information (Intelligence), the Parliament, the Council of the Guardians, the Radio and Television. He also has the upper hand on the regime's foreign policy. 
At the same time, Mr Khatami is working hard to create and consolidate his own power base as to free himself from the grips of his predecessor. The appointment of the (Iran Iraq) War time Prime Minister Mir Hossein Musawi as the President's Senior Adviser is seen by observers as a step on that direction. 
After all, Mr Khatami may be more realistic and down to earth than his other main rivals. Realising that the people are tired and fed up with all the hardships imposed on them under the name of Islam, he has chosen nationalism and iranism as his battle horse. And he has been proved right during the elections where Mr Nateq Nuri lost the presidency despite all the huge backing he got from the establishment just because he had been advised to sell more of Islam and radicalism.