
ISRAEL ELECTIONS AND THE QUESTION OF PALESTINIAN STATE
By Bassam Abu Sharif*
RAMALLAH (PALESTINE) The General Israeli elections campaign started immediately after internal party elections to formulate lists of candidates.
It is, however, worthy to note this time that the Palestinian issue is the main topic of these "battles", not only in the general elections campaigns, but also in the parties’ internal campaign as well.
In a previous article – "An invitation to the Israeli Voters"- I wrote that this fact not only makes the Palestinians interested in observing what is going on in the Israeli electoral campaign, but rather to try and influence Israeli voters positions.
The Israeli election campaign has widely opened the way towards another battle: That of the "Independent Palestinian State".
This matter has added one more characteristic to this campaign, resulting in the links to local, regional and International factors. Most important among these is the linkage between these elections and the discussions on the American plan.
Israel has officially asked Washington to postpone any discussion on the implementation of its "Road Map" till after the elections. The unpublicised response of US national security advisor Condaleeza Rice was positive, though she hinted that the US Administration wants its peace initiative to be a central issue in the Israeli elections. This is what is happening.
Sharon and Benjamin Netanyahu went into battle during the Likud's internal elections on the issue of establishment of a Palestinian State. Sharon declared his acceptance of a Palestinian State - although on his own terms - in an appeasing gesture to the US Administration.
Furthermore, the Palestinian issue was central to the internal campaign within the Labour Party as well. The concealed contention between Amram Mitzna and Benjamin Ben Eliezer centred on the definition of the "Palestinian State" and the future of the settlements.
Therefore, the contest between Labour and Likud will continue on the central issue of the establishment of the Palestinian State.
In the Middle East, as well as in Washington, within the White House and the corridors of the State Department, that seems to be the central issue. As soon as the internal elections were accomplished, with the formation of the electoral lists, Sharon began by forecasting a "tight" national unity government. He further elaborated that it will be "tight" in size, if not in Jurisdiction.
Labour leaders have not dropped this option. At least they kept the door open for it. Soon after the formation of the Labour Party's list, prominent candidates on its top, such as Ben Eliezers, Peres, and Vilnai, issued statements keeping the door open before a national unity government.
Sharon wants the right wing of the Labour party to be on his side against the Likud, in case the dispute over the US plans bursts. Mitzna, on the other hand, needs Sharon block's support in case party of Labor's bloc moves towards the left.
Both sides have kept the option of a national unity government for contingency purposes. Calculations of both sides in such a situation goes beyond poll results (40-41 Likud) versus (20-21 Labour). Sharon's calculation, as well as Mitzna's, is linked to some details: who sides with Sharon or Mitzna, best or worst scenarios.
There are "super right" and "super left" blocs, as some Israelis would like to say. Both Likud and Labour leaders have wider considerations than right and left, which will have their practical and objective influence on their political programs, centred on the independent Palestinian State. If efforts to set up a coalition of the two major parties fail, each side will be looking for other partners to create its own coalition. These smaller blocks will have to line up, right of Sharon or left of Mitzna. That way leads to certain changes, one way or another, on the political programs of both parties: A difficult confrontation, but an expected one.
Let me add that the struggle in this area, and among Israeli parties, will depend on the general characteristic of Israeli voters, being rather generally moody. Out of what I gather from previous Israeli election campaigns, 30-40% of Israelis decide whom they will vote for at the very last minute. This decision is influenced by a number of factors, the most "trifle" of which may become the most important. Surprises may occur as a result of this general mood, in spite of the poll's prediction of a wide margin Likud victory of parliamentary seats.
In Washington, efforts of the US administration headed by President Bush revolve around one objective: re-election of Bush for a second term. To achieve this, internal and external US policy is formulated to win American public internally, and to spread the spirit of US supremacy, power and dominance, externally.
Within this political framework, President Bush divides his administration into "hawks" and "doves" keeping all strings attached to him for final decision-making.
To "rescue" the American collapsing economy, Bush has planned, and is working hard to control oil production, thereby marginalizing OPEC forever and satisfying the big US oil companies. He has planned to use military power to achieve his goal. He further aims at easing or reducing taxes to mislead the US citizen who is being devoured daily by major companies pursuing all forms of fraud and deception to gain illegal profits. On the other hand, Bush is attempting to woe and gain support of fundamentalist Christian and Jewish Coalition to makes sure his re-election.
According to the "doves" recommendations, it is necessary to implement the American vision of the Palestine question by the establishment of a Palestinian State on the West Bank and Gaza, thereby absorbing this antagonism to a large degree.
To do this, he has to reassure the Zionists and fundamentalist Christians of his vision of peace in the Middle East. He will not force un-wilful solutions on Israel. The dangerous game into which Bush has embroiled himself, might not lead to his victory. The traps he set for others might turn on to him. Christian and Jews may desert him, only after squeezing him to the last drop. This probability does not, however, relieve us from following the game which George W. Bush has plunged himself into.
To calm the worries of the Israelis and the Zionist Lobby, Bush appointed Elliot Abrams to the post of director for Near East and North African affairs in the National Security Council (NSC) and as special envoy to the Arab-Israeli conflict and chief of conciliation efforts between Palestinians and Israelis. Mr. Abrams is one of the most extremist Zionist Jews, who is fanatic to a degree of racism.
A friend of mine, well connected to the White House, sent me an e-mail saying "I am sorry to tell you that Abrams, who is far beyond Sharon to the right, is his representative in the White House now".
During Reagan's Presidency, Elliot Abrams was responsible for Latin America and carried out illegal, illegitimate and criminal activates against free states of that continent. A Most prominent example is in Nicaragua. Soon after Congress suspended US support of Sandinista opposition, Abrams concluded a deal with Iran - providing Israeli arms-with the aim of using profits of this deal to finance "Contra" activities --, which resulted in massacres against civilians in Nicaragua, an episode that came to be known as the "Iran Gate -Contra affair".
It is a well-known fact in Washington that Abrams is close to AIPAC, the most important supporter of Israel in the United States. He is also very enthusiastic for Sharon and extremely antagonistic to Yaser Arafat. Thereby, Bush has granted Sharon all he wanted, a green light for a military offensive against Palestinians, and condoned his big crimes against civilians under the pretext of self-defence, and now appoints Sharon's man responsible for the Middle East file.
These steps are part of the formulation of the "Palestinian state". It is certain that negotiations would start as soon as Israeli elections are over. It is also for sure that Sharon will press for reducing the "Palestinian state" to what he proposes (40% of the West Bank and 70% of Gaza). The Americans, for sure, will insist on implementing President Bush's declared vision, which is an indivisible part of the formulation of the "Palestinian state".
The situation in the Middle East (Israel and Palestine) is crystal clear; it cannot be solved militarily, even if lots of blood has been spilled. The situation calls for political remedy.
The question that remains is: will President Bush be able to utilize all these factors to have Sharon pay the necessary bills? Or will Bush pay the bills instead of Sharon? ENDS PALESTINE AND ISRAEL ELECTIONS 181202
Editor’s note: Mr. Abu Sharif was a close assistant and spokesman for Mr. Arafat. He is one of the first Palestinians who suggested diect dialogue between Israelis and the Palestinians. He has recently founded the Democratic Palestinian Democratic Party in Ramallah, where he leaves.
He contributed this article to Iran Press Service.