"For the time being, what we are looking for is to unite Iranians in the Diaspora who favour a republican system for Iran based on parliamentary democracy, to be an umbrella and work for radical changes in Iran", he pointed out in a wide-range interview with Iran Press Service.

A member of the Iranian Nationalist Republicans, the 65 years old Hekmat adds that for the time being, the Union of Iranian Republicans (UIR) that was created in Berlin as a result of the meeting does not want to concentrate on organizing the Iranians inside the country.

"The situation in Iran does not bode well for clandestine activities. We saw that in the past the underground groups did much less than the mullahs who were engaged in more open activities", Mr. Hekmat pointed out.

The road the UIR proposes for bringing changes does not differ from the one that the majority of Iranians are for: peaceful methods, starting by organizing the masses for civil disobedience.

In the view of Mr. Hekmat, this regime is not reformable, but at same time, it is possible to force the ruling conservatives to open doors to more changes, like limiting the powers of the vali-e-faqih (in this case, Ayatollah Ali Khameneh’i) and the un-elected bodies such as the Council of Guardians Special Rights for eliminating undesirable candidates… "under a combination of pressures from inside and outside".

He also thinks that one should not "exaggerate" the role of the American Jewish lobby in "all" the decisions taken by American administrations.

On the position and the role of the students at present political situation, Mr. Hekmat belittles the importance of Iranian students lack of enthusiasm for the embattled reformists and says they might be in a "moment of thinking".

An active member of the former Confederation of Iranian Students that fought the toppled Monarchy by supporting the Islamic Revolution of Grand Ayatollah Roohollah Khomeini, Mr. Hekmat went back to Iran after the victory of the Revolution, but like many other fellows, he was "disenchanted" and came back to Paris, where he runs a computer center, "to start again the fight, this time against the Islamic Republic".

Below are large excerpts from the interview:

Iran Press Service – What was the aim of your congress?

Bizhan Hekmat – To form an umbrella for the (Iranian) Republicans and as far as possible, bringing structural changes in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Of course, you might say "but this is not possible from outside". We too. But we think that we can have some impact on what is going inside the nation by establishing contacts with forces inside, as seen by the presence in our meeting of some people who came from Iran. However, we do not intend to organize inside before organizing and mobilizing ourselves outside in order to be able to be reckoned by the international community, helping foreign powers, lawmakers and politicians to understand Iranian realities and promote human rights, democracy and political liberties in Iran.

IPS – Why not starting by mobilizing Iranian republicans in Iran. After all, Iran is already a Republic?

B H – Conditions are not ripe for full open anti-regime activities and we are against covert operations that, even in the past, before the Islamic Revolution, had not been much successful. The organization that really helped the process was that of the (Iranian) clergy that was fighting openly. Also, the present situation makes it much more difficult for clandestine activities while at the same time there is some limited room for open civil and political actions, as seen by the existence of human rights groups, centers for the defence of journalists and intellectuals, the Bar Association etc that, if developed further, better organized and working in harmony with each other, they can become a force to reckon with.

IPS – It seems that in your meeting you had difficulties if reaching a consensus on some important issues, such as the secularism or radical changes in the Constitutions?

B H – This not correct. A large majority approved the separation of religion from the State, changing the Constitution and a regime based on parliamentary system, all the points prefiguring in our Manifesto. The only points of divergences were whether to boycott the forthcoming elections and the controversial subject of so-called nationalities or ethnicities. On the first question, it was left to the Coordination Council to decide and on the other; we thought we should not waste our time on the form of the future Republic, a federal or centralized system. However, we have expressed our total support for all Iranian minorities and a decentralized government.

IPS – What do you think about the present electoral crisis and the regime itself?

B H – We support a referendum, but left the decision to our Council.

IPS – But considering the past experiences and the regime’s 25 years of authoritarian rule, do you think that the ruling clerics are bent to reform?

B H – I doubt that this regime can change its present structures and the past six years have proved that the regime is not self reformable. However, in every regime, even the most dictatorial, when people enter the scene and the international atmosphere is also ripe, it is possible to impose some of the people’s basic demands.

IPS – Yes, but what in a regime ruled by the concept of velayat faqih, meaning a semi-divine?

B H – We support all efforts aimed at limiting the powers of the vali e faqih, as well as those of other un-elected centers of decisions. The way we suggest to that goal is a national referendum. But again, before, it is necessary to have organized and united all Iranian democratic forces.

IPS – But we see that Iranians are not much enthusiastic. The students, who are at the forefront of political activities, are mute.

B H – The students had known a lot of ups and downs. I would say their present silence is a moment of thought for them; reviewing the past and thinking about future strategies. They realized that bringing some 300 students in the streets, backed by some 8.000 people is not enough.

IPS – You have kept aside other Iranian political groups like the Monarchists that, like you, also want a democratic, secular system. Don’t you want reach a coalition with other forces?

B H – When the Monarchists gathers, they do not invite us. I might say that for the time being, they might be better organized. As I said, we have to organize ourselves first. But this does not mean that doors are closed to dialogue with other political formations, both inside and outside, like Constitutionalist Monarchists, and study what we can do together.

IPS – Would you say that doors are open for a coalition on few points, like changing the regime to a secular, parliamentary democracy?

IPS – So far, none of foreign governments have taken Iranian opposition seriously. Why?

B H – No, this is not very correct. They had contacts with the late Mr. Shapour Bakhtiar or the Mojahedeens (the Iraqi-based Mojahedeen Khalq Organisation)...

IPS – … I mean Western powers. And if they had contacts, was it not using them as scarecrows against the regime?

B H – Establishing contacts with foreign governments needs time, organisation, plans, all the things we (the Iranian opposition outside) lacked. As far as we are concerned, this is in our plans. I must also add that authoritarian regime never allow opposition forces to emerge, as a result, foreign governments have no precise idea about them, their strength, numbers, policies etc. But the fact that a certain number of important German personalities, politicians and lawmakers attended our meeting is a positive point.

IPS – In relation with the United States and the influence of Jewish lobbies in Washington concerning the Islamic Republic, what is your position?